Leading to Iraq: High crimes and misdemeanors. September, 2003, continued.
103rd in continuing blog series on the
administration push to war. Following the usual round of commemorative
appearances on the second anniversary of 9/11, the administration moves by all
means possible to secure and to control Iraqi oil resources.
September 12-23,
2003:
Sept. 12, 2003 – Bush gives a speech
at Fort
Stewart,
Georgia:
“Two-and-a-half years ago -- or two years ago, this
nation came under enemy attack. Two years ago yesterday we were attacked. On a
single morning, we suffered the highest casualties on our own soil since the
Civil War. America saw the face of a new adversary
-- an enemy that plots in secret, an enemy that rejects the rules of war, an
enemy that rejoices in the murder of the innocent. We made a pledge that day,
and we have kept it: We are bringing the guilty to justice; we are taking the
fight to the enemy. (Applause.)”
The
slip of the tongue with which the president begins—“two and a half years ago—or
two years ago”—signals something deeper than his usual alexia. There is little
deep interest in the events of 9/11. The same uninterest is signaled by
continuing White House and OVP reluctance to support an independent commission
to investigate 9/11.
Sept. 14, 2003 – Vice President Cheney appears
on NBC’s Meet the Press with Tim
Russert:
“MR. RUSSERT: Two years ago, September 11, 2001, you went
to New
York City, just the other day, attacks on the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, the crash in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Has this nation recovered from September
11, 2001?
VICE PRES. CHENEY: Well, I think in many respects,
recovered, yes. On the other hand, there are some things that'll never be the
same. I look back on that, and I think about what we've been engaged in since.
And in a sense, sort of the theme that comes through repeatedly for me is that
9/11 changed everything. It changed the way we think about threats to the United States. It changed about our
recognition of our vulnerabilities. It changed in terms of the kind of national
security strategy we need to pursue, in terms of guaranteeing the safety and
security of the American people.
And I'm not sure everybody has made that transition yet.
I think there are a number of people out there who hope we can go back to
pre-9/11 days and that somehow 9/11 was an aberration. It happened one time;
it'll never happen again. But the president and I don't have that luxury. You
know, we begin every day reading the intelligence reports from the CIA and the
FBI on the nature of the threat that's out there, on the plotting by al-Qaeda
members and related groups to launch attacks against the United States and
contemplating the possibility of an attack against the U.S. with far deadlier
weapons than anything we've seen to date. So on the one hand, I'm sure
everybody wants to get back to normal, and we have in many respects. But on the
other hand, we all have to recognize as a nation that 9/11 changed a great deal
in our lives.”
As
ever, Cheney emphasizes 9/11 and terrorism but does not mention the
common-sense measures not taken–elimination of land mines and cluster bombs,
steps to improve border and port security, securing U.S. chemical and nuclear
sectors, etc.
Sept 15, 2003 – Email correspondence from the
Office of the Vice President from this day are missing.
September 17, 2003 – The Government Accountability
Office (GAO) publishes an early
study on FY2003 obligations for military operations:
“While
funds obligated by DOD for GWOT [the Global War on Terror], including the war
with Iraq, in fiscal year 2003 are substantial—about $39 billion through June
2003—the funds appropriated by Congress appear to be sufficient for fiscal year
2003, and some of the services may not obligate all of the funds they were
appropriated for fiscal year 2003.”
Presumably
this GAO study and forecast are guided by administration statements, which do not explicitly project a massive U.S. presence in Iraq for years.
September 2003 – The White House requests, as
part of its $87 billion war-spending request to Congress, $2.1 billion for
rehabilitating Iraq’s oil industry.
Sept. 22, 2003 – The Coalition Provisional
Authority (CPA) in Iraq names former ConocoPhillips
executive Robert McKee as senior oil advisor. McKee is chairman of Eventure
Global Technology, an oilfield joint venture based in Houston and owned by Shell and Halliburton.
Sept. 23, 2003 – Bush gives a speech
at the United Nations:
“The regime of Saddam Hussein cultivated ties to terror
while it built weapons of mass destruction. It used those weapons in acts of
mass murder, and refused to account for them when confronted by the world. The
Security Council was right to be alarmed. The Security Council was right to
demand that Iraq destroy its illegal weapons and
prove that it had done so. The Security Council was right to vow serious
consequences if Iraq refused to comply. And because
there were consequences, because a coalition of nations acted to defend the
peace, and the credibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free, and today we are joined
by representatives of a liberated country.”
As
always—see the similar remarks by Cheney, above—public statements by top
administration figures focus exclusively on ‘terror’, ‘Saddam’, and ‘weapons’.
There is virtually no public mention of Iraqi oil.
Sept. 23, 2003 – Bush names Dr. Zalmay Khalilzad as Ambassador to Afghanistan. Khalilzad is the PNAC signatory
and former UNOCAL consultant—UNOCAL tried to negotiate a pipeline deal through Afghanistan—closely in league with GOP
administrations from the 1980s.
Same day – The Houston Chronicle quotes Congressman Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) on the
appointment of McKee as oil advisor to the CPA: “The administration continues
to create the impression that the fox is in charge of the hen house. Given Mr.
McKee’s close relationship with Halliburton, he is an odd choice to hold them
accountable for the billions of dollars they are charging American taxpayers.”
Also,
former BP executive Terry Adams becomes advisor on oil matters. Adams was formerly president of the
Azerbaijan International Operating Company, which operated several oil fields.
Such
appointments by the administration are not only the fox guarding the henhouse.
To switch metaphors, they are also throwing gasoline on the flames. The
continuing profiteering, on top of continuing promotion of the war boosters,
serves as provocation to help fuel anti-U.S. sentiment around the world.
Continuing guerrilla strikes then are used to justify the war effort.