Leading to Iraq: High crimes and misdemeanors. Early July, 2003.
95th in continuing blog series on the
administration push to war. Moving into July of 2003, things really begin
heating up re Joseph Wilson’s trip to Niger. Wilson himself publishes an
op-ed column in the New York Times,
“What I Didn’t Find in Africa,” and backs up his column with personal interviews.
July 1-6, 2003:
July 1, 2003 – Bush discusses Afghanistan and Iraq in a speech
at the East Room of the White House:
“The war on terror also continues in Iraq, where coalition forces are
engaging remanent of the former regime, as well as members of terrorist groups.
We met the major combat objectives in Operation Iraqi Freedom. We ended a
regime that possessed weapons of mass destruction, harbored and supported
terrorists, suppressed human rights, and defied the just demands of the United
Nations and the world.”
July 2, 2003 – Upset, probably, at the
plummeting Iraq oil exports, Bush gives a White
House news
conference with global AIDS coordinator Randall Tobias:
“Q: A posse of small nations, like Ukraine and Poland, are materializing to help keep
the peace in Iraq, but with the attacks on U.S. forces and casualty rates
rising, what does the administration do to get larger powers like France and Germany and Russia to join in the American
(inaudible)?
BUSH: Well, first of all, you know, we'll put together a force
structure that meets the threats on the ground. And we got a lot of forces
there ourselves. And as I said yesterday, anybody who wants to harm American
troops will be found and brought to justice.
There are some who feel like that if they attack us that
we may decide to leave prematurely. They don't understand what they're talking
about, if that's the case.
Let me finish.
There are some who feel like that, you know, the
conditions are such that they can attack us there. My answer is bring them on.
We got the force necessary to deal with the security situation.”
July 5, 2003 -- At “about 10:30
p.m.,” Wilson’s op-ed hits the New York Times web site. At 10:32 he gets a call from a New York Post reporter; at 10:34 he gets a call from Meet the Press inviting him to be on the
next day. (Wilson’s book, 333)
July 6, 2003 – Joseph Wilson’s op-ed
criticizing and questioning the Niger story appears in the New York Times. The column is titled
“What I Didn’t Find in Africa”:
“Did the Bush administration manipulate
intelligence about Saddam Hussein's weapons programs to justify an invasion of Iraq?
Based on my experience with the administration in
the months leading up to the war, I have little choice but to conclude that
some of the intelligence related to Iraq's nuclear weapons program was twisted
to exaggerate the Iraqi threat. . .
Given the structure of the consortiums that
operated the mines, it would be exceedingly difficult for Niger to
transfer uranium to Iraq. Niger's
uranium business consists of two mines, Somair and Cominak, which are run by
French, Spanish, Japanese, German and Nigerian interests. If the government
wanted to remove uranium from a mine, it would have to notify the consortium,
which in turn is strictly monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Moreover, because the two mines are closely regulated, quasi-governmental
entities, selling uranium would require the approval of the minister of mines,
the prime minister and probably the president. In short, there's simply too
much oversight over too small an industry for a sale to have transpired.
(As for the actual memorandum, I never saw it. But
news accounts have pointed out that the documents had glaring errors — they
were signed, for example, by officials who were no longer in government — and
were probably forged. And then there's the fact that Niger
formally denied the charges.)
Before I left Niger, I
briefed the ambassador on my findings, which were consistent with her own. I
also shared my conclusions with members of her staff. In early March, I arrived
in Washington and
promptly provided a detailed briefing to the C.I.A. I later shared my
conclusions with the State Department African Affairs Bureau.”
July 6, 2003 – Wilson appears on Meet the Press, interviewed by Andrea Mitchell:
“MS. MITCHELL: But first: Did the
Bush administration exaggerate some of the intelligence on Saddam's weapons
program in order to justify war with Iraq? This man,
former U.S. ambassador
to the West African country of Gabon, Joseph Wilson, says yes.
He's disclosed publicly for the first time this morning in a New York Times
op-ed that he was sent by the CIA to Niger in February
of 2002 to investigate reports of a sale of uranium by Niger to Iraq in the late
1990s. Up until now, he's been referred to in many news reports as an unnamed
former envoy and he joins us exclusively this morning. . .
MS. MITCHELL: Now, we only learned later when U.N.
inspectors first looked at the documents, this was a year later, that, in fact,
these documents were fraudulent, a year after your first trip. What did you
think when you first saw the president making that comment in the State of the Union?
AMB. WILSON: Well, first of all, Andrea,
when the president made the comment, he was referring to a British White Paper
Report that came out in September of the previous year, September 2002; again,
referring to uranium sales from an African country to Iraq. Now, there are four African
countries that produce uranium or have uranium stockpiles: South Africa, Namibia, Gabon and Niger. So throughout this, whenever the
British and then the president were mentioning Africa, I assumed that they were
talking about one of the other countries and not Niger since we had, I believed, at the
time effectively debunked the Niger arms uranium sale.
MS. MITCHELL: But, in fact, many officials, including the
president, the vice president, Donald Rumsfeld, were referring to the Niger issue
as though it were fact, as though it were true and they were told by the CIA,
this information was passed on in the national intelligence estimate, I've been
told, with a caveat from the State Department that it was highly dubious based
on your trip but that that caveat was buried in a footnote, in the appendix. So
was the White House misled? Were they not properly briefed on the fact that you
had the previous February been there and that it wasn't true?
AMB. WILSON: No. No. In actual fact, in my
judgment, I have not seen the estimate either, but there were reports based
upon my trip that were submitted to the appropriate officials. The question was
asked of the CIA by the office of the vice president. The office of the vice
president, I am absolutely convinced, received a very specific response to the
question it asked and that response was based upon my trip out there.
MS. MITCHELL: So they knew months and months before they
passed on these allegations that, in fact, that particular charge was not true.
Do you think, based on all of this, that the intelligence was hyped?
AMB. WILSON: My judgment on this is that if
they were referring to Niger when they were referring to
uranium sales from Africa to Iraq, that information was erroneous
and that they knew about it well ahead of both the publication of the British
White Paper and the president's State of the Union address.
MS. MITCHELL: What do you think was going on here? Was
this the politicization of intelligence in order to justify a war?
AMB. WILSON: Well, I think there's two
things. One, either the administration has some information that it has not
shared with the public or, yes, they were using the selective use of facts and
intelligence to bolster a decision in the case that had already been made, a
decision that had been made to go war.”
July 6, 2003 – Wilson also gives an interview to the Washington Post, corroborating the
thrust of his op-ed in the Times. (In
response to emailed questions, Wilson says that Bob Woodward is not
present at this interview.)